RAATH: Western opinion is now strongly against Mugabe. Do you think it worries him? TSVANGIRAI: As long as it was an isolated Western opinion, obviously he would disregard it as imperialism, and he would get away with it. But now it’s not just Western opinion, it’s international opinion–across race, across region, everyone has condemned him, even African heads of state.
Isn’t Mugabe likely to drive on regardless? Mugabe is being defiant to national and international pressure, but I think he has overstepped the line. He has a choice. If he wins the election, the outcome is, of course, illegitimate. He knows the consequences of isolation, of sanctions. This country is in dire economic difficulties, and he needs the outside more than the outside needs him. And he knows that.
If you win, what will be your immediate priorities? The first is law and order. The lawlessness that has been abetted and supported by the government has been detrimental to confidence in the country. You have to deal with fundamental economic equations, stop the decline, stop the hemorrhage. There are measures in our recovery plan to ensure that. The third issue is that the chaos in the agricultural sector, in [Mugabe’s] land-reform plan, has to be put right in a manner that is equitable, that gives support to the farmers, that ensures agricultural production is put on a sustainable footing again.
What about Zimbabwe’s involvement in the war in Congo? It is unsustainable and we will withdraw.
Do you believe the military would overturn a Tsvangirai victory? That’s what they said, but the danger of them carrying out their threat is very minimal. When people have exercised their right, I cannot see anyone subverting that right and surviving. Besides, the region will not tolerate military action.
If Mugabe wins, by whatever means, what future does the country face? A very bleak future. It will take another 20 or 30 years before people begin again to rise up and say we have to have a change. It is important to realize this is about a political culture–there may be people who outlive Mugabe’s current terror and still carry out his culture.
You recently said you wouldn’t have a problem with recognizing Mugabe’s contribution to independence, but there are many who insist he is a candidate for trial in The Hague for crimes against humanity. I recognize the injustice that has been committed, but Zimbabweans have two choices: to continue on, driving Mugabe to destroy the country, or reassure him, have free and fair elections and start sorting out the mess without him. They cannot have it both ways; Mugabe is a stumbling block if he is continuously threatened. But that does not mean you are sweeping the injustices under the carpet. It has to be a balancing act to ensure you don’t ignore the victims; at the same time you are not trying to sacrifice the future by targeting the perpetrators. A process of national healing, national debate, will be required. There could be a process of immediate economic investment [to] the victims, and to recognize that this is a national conscience we have to bear. The best way is to ensure that it never happens again. I think that would be more integrative than to pursue Mugabe.
Do you feel your life is in danger? I feel risk for everyone in the MDC leadership. I think it’s obvious that I am the prime target. But in spite of that, Mugabe also knows that if anything happens to me, it is he and his generals who have threatened me.
What result do you expect in the elections? A resounding victory, a confirmation of the desire of the people of Zimbabwe to have change.
